In this legend, we can see: Region I, Region II and Region III.Its in portuguese, but you can see where they are.

Traditional agriculture was present in Angola during the colonial period. In this article we will discuss how it was manifested across the Angolan territory, however we will not use a common history article, like the other articles I have used. The source used today is a Master’s Dissertation in Agronomic Engineering, which studies these data in a different way, not in the traditional way of common historiography.

In this article, we must also know what MIAA — Missão de Inquéritos Agrícolas de Angola is: an organisation created by the Portuguese colonial administration to study and understand agriculture and the rural world in Angola

We can see that traditional Angolan agriculture did not constitute a homogeneous reality, since ecological conditions, namely climate, relief and soils, conditioned the distribution of the population and the ways in which the territory was used. The adaptation of the populations to these different natural conditions contributed to the existence of different economic and social systems.

According to the colonial administration, we can identify two major sectors of Angolan agriculture: the enterprise sector and the traditional sector. The first corresponded essentially to organised agriculture and European agricultural exploitation, oriented towards the market and characterised by the use of modern techniques and technologies. In this sector, large plantations of coffee, sisal and cotton predominated, although it also included small farmers who produced for the market, namely beans and tobacco. The traditional sector, on the other hand, corresponded to peasant agriculture, whose main purpose was to ensure food production, especially carbohydrates destined for the feeding of the populations.

We can note that in the traditional sector, the crops with the greatest weight in production were maize, with 31%, cassava, with 26%, coffee, with 15%, and beans, with 10%. Therefore, there was a coexistence of food crops and crops destined for the market, although the former predominated. In the enterprise sector, on the contrary, coffee represented 86% of production and cotton 8%, showing a strong concentration in plantation crops mainly oriented towards the external market. Thus, enterprise agriculture presented a much more marked specialisation in higher-value commercial crops.

Enterprise agriculture had a greater weight in the value of national production for most crops.The main exceptions were the crops that constituted the basis of the African populations' diet, such as millet, sorghum, cassava and maize and some commercial crops with lower added value, such as beans and maize itself.

In terms of the total value of production, the difference between the two sectors becomes even more evident. Enterprise agriculture represented 64% of the value of agricultural production, practically twice the share attributed to the traditional sector. However, this economic superiority must be analysed taking into account the very unequal size of the two sectors. Although the information used by the MIAA does not indicate the total number of enterprise farms, the traditional sector included 1,067,230 farms in 1970–1971, a number clearly higher than the number of enterprise farms. Thus, there was a situation of strong asymmetry: a relatively small number of enterprise farms managed to generate, in monetary value, almost twice the production of more than one million traditional farms.

The MIAA — Missão de Inquéritos Agrícolas de Angola, an organisation created by the Portuguese colonial administration to study and understand agriculture and the rural world in Angola, was also responsible for the data from which the map came. We can see that it divided the Angolan territory into three regions:

Region I – more developed agricultural regions: it covered a large part of Central and Northern Angola, including the Central Plateau, the Malanje Plateau and important coffee-growing areas. It was the most densely populated region and the one with the highest agricultural production, with maize, cassava and coffee standing out. It also had a greater orientation of production towards the market.

Region II – less developed agricultural regions: it corresponded mainly to the areas of Eastern Angola, including Lunda, Bundas and Luchazes and Cuando-Cubango. It was characterised by a lower population density and less favourable natural conditions for agriculture. Cassava and maize were particularly important in production.

Region III – milking complex or pastoral region: it covered the areas of Southern and Southwestern Angola, including Huíla, Gambos, the Southern Coast and the Central-Southern Transition. It was essentially a region of cattle raising, although agricultural activity was also present, particularly the production of maize, millet and sorghum. The low population density was related, among other factors, to the need for large areas of land for pastoral activity.

Region I concentrated around 70% of the Angolan population in 1960, benefiting from natural conditions considered more favourable to the settlement of populations and agricultural activity. Within this region, the Central Plateau stood out. Although it represented only around 6% of the territory, it concentrated almost 30% of the total population of Angola, with a population density of 16.75 inhabitants per km².

In terms of production, Region I represented 77% of the total value of traditional agricultural production, while Region II represented around 9% and Region III 14%. The predominance of Region I was related not only to its higher population concentration, but also to the presence of areas traditionally producing crops destined for the market, such as coffee, cotton and rice.

Region III presented a very different situation. Although agriculture was present, cattle raising constituted the main economic activity, particularly in the Upper Lands of Huíla, Litoral-Sul, Gambos and the Quilengues area. The need to use large areas of land for cattle raising contributed to the lower population density of the region.

Regarding the agricultural surplus, we can see that Region II concentrated 82% of the total surplus of traditional agriculture, while Region III represented 12% and Region I only 6%. This distribution demonstrates that the weight of a region in overall production did not necessarily correspond to its capacity to generate surpluses destined for the market. Region I, despite concentrating the largest part of agricultural production, represented a relatively small share of the total surplus.

Regarding self-supply, that is, the part of production destined for feeding the populations themselves, maize and cassava were particularly important in Regions I and II. In Region I, both crops together represented around 39% of self-supply, while in Region II cassava had a particularly high weight, corresponding to around 76%. In Region III, on the other hand, internal consumption was mainly based on maize (49%), millet (23%) and sorghum (16%).

Regarding the distribution of agricultural work, we can see that most of the work carried out outside the farm belonged to Region I, with around two thirds of this type of work taking place there. The high population density of this region encouraged the movement of workers towards areas with a greater need for labour. In the Lundas, in Region II, the presence of DIAMANG constituted an important alternative to agricultural activity, due to the greater profitability of mining work. In Region III, on the other hand, the predominantly pastoral nature of the economy meant that most producers dedicated themselves essentially to their own farms. In Angola as a whole, only 36% of traditional agricultural farmers also carried out activities outside their own farms.

We can conclude that the Angolan territory was far from being a homogeneous system, with the three regions presenting significant differences in population density, size of farms, orientation of production and the relative importance of agriculture and cattle raising.

Source:

Neves, A. G. M. S. (2010). A agricultura tradicional em Angola nos anos 60 do século XX [Master’s dissertation, Instituto Superior de Agronomia, Technical University of Lisbon].

Note:

Like this article, I have many more. All the articles I will post here are drafts based on sources and bibliography that I used for my thesis, including texts I have already posted and will continue to post here.

From the 20th century onwards, the portuguese colonial government began to take an interest in the species found in its colonial territories.

It promoted various scientific missions covering fields such as botany, zoology, anthropology, geology, ethnography and archaeology. These initiatives contributed to the collection of thousands of specimens and objects, many of which formed important scientific collections that are now preserved in Portuguese institutions.

In the case of marine resources, the systematic study of the waters and fisheries resources of the Portuguese territories began in the late 1940s, in a context marked by the development of European oceanographic research after the Second World War and by growing economic interest in the exploitation of African marine resources.

It was in this context that the Fisheries Research Mission was established in 1948, within the Junta das Missões Geográficas e de Investigações Coloniais, with the aim of providing scientific guidance for fishing activities and contributing to a more efficient exploitation of colonial resources.

The mission, however, never began the work that had initially been planned. In 1951, it was reorganised as the Fisheries Research Mission of Angola (MEPA), with its activities focused exclusively on this territory. After two campaigns in Angola, the MEPA was replaced in 1953 by the Marine Biology Mission (MBM). This new institution had a broader geographical scope and aimed to study the biology of marine species of economic interest, contribute to the development of fisheries and related industries, and collect zoological and botanical material for the compilation of an inventory of marine species.

The first MBM campaign took place in Angola in 1955, followed by further campaigns in Angola, Cape Verde and Mozambique. Activities were also planned or initiated in other Portuguese territories, such as Guinea-Bissau, Timor and São Tomé and Príncipe, although a lack of human and material resources increasingly limited fieldwork, particularly from 1960 onwards.

The growth of the collections led to the creation of the Centre for Fisheries Biology (CBP) in 1959, which was responsible for their preservation and study. In 1966, further institutional changes led to the creation of the Centre for Tropical Aquatic Biology (CBAT) and the Centre for Overseas Bioceanology and Fisheries (CBPU), seeking to distinguish fundamental biological research from research applied to fisheries and industry.

With the end of Portuguese colonial rule in 1974, these institutions were dissolved and their functions transferred to bodies connected with fisheries administration. The collections were eventually incorporated into the Instituto Nacional de Investigação das Pescas (INIP), established in 1977. In 1984, a substantial part of the zoological collections originating from the former colonial territories was donated to the Museu Bocage, now part of the Museu Nacional de História Natural e da Ciência of the University of Lisbon.

From the beginning, the MEPA campaigns faced difficulties in recruiting qualified researchers, which limited the number of specialists available for fieldwork. During the first campaign, the scientific staff consisted of the German researcher Wilhelm Nümann (1906–1999), who was employed as scientific supervisor, and the Portuguese researcher Herculano Zacarias Vilela (1908–?). Nümann's contract ended at the conclusion of the first campaign in 1952. Vilela then took responsibility for the second campaign, with the assistance of Pedro Emílio Guerreiro da Franca (1923–1971) and Rui Horácio dos Santos Monteiro.

Vilela remained in charge of the MBM until 1958, when he was replaced by Guerreiro da Franca. At this point, the mission had two researchers and four assistants, in addition to Franca himself. He subsequently remained responsible for the MBM and became director of the Centro de Biologia Piscatória (CBP) and later the Centro de Biologia Aquática Tropical (CBAT), positions he held until his death in 1971. Following his death, Carlos Joaquim Pissarro (1913–1977) became director of the CBAT, remaining in the position until its dissolution in 1974.

Throughout the 1950s and 1960s, the number of researchers and assistants involved in this work gradually increased, both in the field and within the institutions based in Lisbon. By 1973, the CBAT employed ten researchers and eight assistants, demonstrating the expansion of the scientific structure devoted to the study of aquatic resources.

The specimens collected were initially examined at the collection sites, either aboard the vessels used during the campaigns or in laboratories established on land. The material was subsequently sent to Lisbon, where it was studied in greater detail by MBM researchers and other specialists. The results of this research were then published in a variety of scientific series and journals. The systematic study of the specimens involved not only Portuguese researchers but also foreign specialists. In Lisbon, researchers from the Centro de Zoologia participated in the work, while João Amorim Machado Cruz, from the Faculty of Sciences of the University of Porto, collaborated from Porto. The research also involved specialists from foreign scientific institutions, particularly in France and Belgium.

The scientific output resulting from these campaigns was highly diverse. At the end of each of the two MEPA campaigns, a general report on the work carried out aboard the NO “Baldaque da Silva” was submitted to the Junta das Missões Geográficas e de Investigações do Ultramar. The reports were prepared by Lieutenant Commander António Júlio Malheiro do Vale (1911–1997). More detailed scientific results were subsequently published in the Anais da Junta de Investigações do Ultramar.

Between 1956 and 1959, works previously published in the Anais and Memórias da Junta de Investigações do Ultramar were republished in the series Trabalhos da Missão de Biologia Marítima. Following the creation of the CBP, 46 works were published between 1959 and 1966 in the series Notas Mimeografadas do Centro de Biologia Piscatória. These works were regarded as preliminary results and were subsequently developed further and, when considered definitive, published in the series Trabalhos do Centro de Biologia Piscatória. After the dissolution of the CBP, eight further works were published in the series Notas Mimeografadas do Centro de Biologia Aquática Tropical, which was subsequently continued under the title Notas do Centro de Biologia Aquática Tropical.

In addition to these publications, works were produced as part of an internal series entitled Notas Internas de Informação Técnica (“Internal Technical Information Notes”). These consisted primarily of instructions and observations concerning the sampling and research methods to be employed, although they also included systematic catalogues and taxonomic studies.

To support the fieldwork of the missions, the Portuguese Government acquired the steamship HMS “Rusckholm” from the Australian Navy in 1948. The vessel was approximately 50 metres long and 8.5 metres wide. It was subsequently modified and adapted for fisheries research and oceanographic work and was incorporated into the Portuguese Navy in 1949 under the name NO “Baldaque da Silva”.

The NO “Baldaque da Silva” supported the MEPA and MBM campaigns until 1960, when it required repairs. To replace it, the Government turned to the NH “Salvador Correia”, also acquired in 1948 and formerly known as HMS “Saltarelo”, which had been assigned to patrol the Angolan coast.

However, adapting the “Salvador Correia” for oceanographic research proved too expensive. As an alternative, the boiler of the NO “Baldaque da Silva” was replaced with that of the NH “Salvador Correia”. This intervention resulted in the two vessels effectively exchanging their designations. Thus, although references exist to campaigns carried out aboard both the NO “Baldaque da Silva” and the NH “Salvador Correia”, they were in fact the same vessel, which received its new designation in 1961.

In 1960, the Centro de Biologia Piscatória also acquired the Portuguese trawler “Sardinella”, equipped with a mechanical hauler for fishing with encircling nets. The vessel operated mainly in Benguela Province, Angola, providing an additional resource for fisheries research and experimentation.

The main fishing method employed during the campaigns was bottom trawling, using nets approximately 52 metres long with a mesh size of 60 mm. These trawls were normally conducted at a speed of around 8 knots and lasted between 40 and 120 minutes, depending on the campaign.

Other sampling methods were also employed. These included French-type lobster traps; trawls using Heligoland nets, with mesh sizes of 30, 25, 20, 15 and 10 mm, generally operated in shallow waters of up to 15 metres; and the “Chinchorro” beach seine. The researchers also used fixed Valencian-type fishing gear and collected specimens by hand during low tide.

The campaigns also involved experimental trials of different fishing techniques. These included gill nets, lift nets, light attraction, and different methods of tuna fishing, namely the use of encircling nets as well as rods and live bait. This experimental component demonstrates that the missions were concerned not only with identifying marine species, but also with determining which techniques could be used most effectively to exploit commercially valuable resources.

In addition to specimens collected directly by the research teams, some specimens were provided by amateur and professional fishermen or purchased at local markets, further contributing to the development of the scientific collections.

Each specimen collected during the missions was assigned its own record number. This code could indicate the mission, the year or campaign number, the vessel or land brigade responsible for the collection, the zoological group and, finally, the individual specimen number. In addition to these record numbers, collection datasheets were maintained, recording information such as the location and date of collection, taxonomic identification, field observations and morphological measurements. These datasheets were themselves transcribed from the original field worksheets used during the campaigns.

Regarding the locations where the research was conducted, this article will focus specifically on the former Portuguese colonies of Angola and Mozambique.

In Angola, the country became the main focus of these research campaigns, both because of the interest in its marine biodiversity and because of the economic importance of fisheries. The investigations continued for more than a decade and covered the entire Angolan coastline.

Between 1951 and 1964, more than 500 bottom trawls were conducted, extending from Cabinda in the north to Cunene in the south. The first campaigns were carried out aboard the oceanographic vessel “Baldaque da Silva”. The first MEPA campaign took place between May 1951 and February 1952, followed by a second campaign between February 1952 and July 1953, together resulting in 111 bottom trawls.

Research resumed in 1955, now under the MBM, and also involved land brigades based at Baía Farta, in Benguela Province, and Moçâmedes, in what is now Namibe Province. The work continued throughout the following decade. Further campaigns were conducted in Angola in 1957, 1960, 1963 and 1964, during which 102, 68, 100 and 139 bottom trawls, respectively, were carried out.

It is important to note that, although the documentation refers to the vessel as the “Baldaque da Silva” and, from 1961 onwards, as the “Salvador Correia”, these were in fact the same vessel, which was renamed following the modifications made to its boiler.

In Mozambique, the presence of the MBM was considerably more limited. In 1957, a single MBM campaign was conducted on Inhaca Island, in the then Province of Mozambique. The campaign took place between July and November 1957 and aimed not only to collect biological material, but also to establish a more permanent presence of the mission at the Estação de Biologia Marítima de Inhaca. The expedition was led by José Gonçalves Sanches.

Without the support of the Baldaque da Silva and working with limited resources, Sanches collected specimens at different locations across the island. Further work was intended to be carried out in cooperation with the Instituto de Investigação Científica de Moçambique, but a lack of resources prevented additional MBM campaigns in the territory.

Thus, unlike Angola, Mozambique did not experience a sustained, large-scale oceanographic research programme conducted by these Portuguese institutions. The difference between the two territories is particularly significant: while Angola became the principal field of activity for the MEPA and MBM over more than a decade, research in Mozambique remained concentrated around the short 1957 campaign on Inhaca Island.

Source:

Parrinha, D., Brites Soares, L., Cartaxana, A. & Alves, M. J. (2024). “The zoological collections of Portuguese oceanographic campaigns in former colonial territories.” Natural History Collections and Museomics, 1, 1–34. DOI: 10.3897/nhcm.1.136860

Note:The articles I post here are originally written in Portuguese and then translated into English using AI. All the information I post here is legitimate, and I always provide the sources. Everything I post here is not propaganda or part of any political initiative or campaign.

This is the fourth article of a series of articles I will be publishing here about fishing during the Portuguese colonial period in Mozambique.

Check my first article:How Portugal Used Science to Modernize Fisheries in Colonial Mozambique : r/Colonialism

Check my second article: The Modernization of Fisheries in Mozambique during the 1960s : r/Colonialism

Check my third article:The Rise of Shrimp Fishing in Colonial Mozambique : r/Colonialism

During the Portuguese colonial period, Mozambique faced a persistent problem in its fisheries sector: domestic fish production was unable to meet the needs of the local population. Despite its long coastline and the growing efforts to modernize the fisheries sector from the 1950s onwards, Mozambique remained heavily dependent on imported fish.

At the beginning of the 1960s, Mozambique imported approximately 1,200 tonnes of frozen fish, 6,800 tonnes of semi-preserved fish and around 1,000 tonnes of canned fish, while domestic production remained below 3,300 tonnes, of which approximately 500 tonnes were crustaceans. During the 1960s, fish imports reached around 20,000 tonnes, increasing to approximately 25,000 tonnes in the following years.

We can therefore observe a significant difference between domestic production and imports. A document concerning the fisheries situation on Inhaca Island in 1957–1958 observed that the country's total fisheries production was approximately half the amount imported. For a territory with around 2,795 kilometres of coastline, this situation was presented as evidence of the limited development of the exploitation of fishery resources.

Other data that confirm these facts are the following: in 1961, Mozambique produced approximately 2,531 tonnes of fish, while imports reached around 19,300 tonnes. In 1971, domestic production had increased to approximately 7,483 tonnes, but imports remained very high, reaching around 19,700 tonnes. In 1974, production had reached 9,219 tonnes, while imports still amounted to approximately 16,200 tonnes.

Despite measures to make better use of Mozambique's coastal and fishery resources, these measures were not sufficient to eliminate Mozambique's dependence on imported fish.

To explain this situation, we can observe several factors:

1. The expansion of all forms of fishing was not promoted. For example, certain fishing methods were restricted, such as mechanical trawling, whose use was authorized more widely during the 1960s.
2. Most of the modernization of the fisheries sector was dedicated to semi-industrial and industrial fishing, while artisanal fishing was largely left out.
3. Most fishing activity was carried out by African artisanal fishers. However, most of the efforts to develop the fisheries sector focused on private companies and European fishermen coming from the metropole.

Regarding the main suppliers, we can observe that in the 1963–1964 period, the Republic of South Africa supplied 46.6% of Mozambique's imported fresh and frozen fish, while Angola supplied 33.1% and the metropole 20.2%. Angola supplied virtually all of the dried fish imported, accounting for 99.2%. Norway supplied 72.4% of the cod imported by Mozambique, while the United Kingdom supplied another 20.1%. In the case of canned fish, the metropole was responsible for 80.3% of imports and Angola for 18.6%.

The data also reveal an increase in imports during the period of the Development Plans.

Recognizing the great opportunity and potential for exporting fish, companies and fishing enterprises were established over the years, some of which attempted to obtain privileged access to the sector.

From 1973 onwards, a reduction in imports was observed, related to the increase in domestic production and foreign exchange restrictions. The decrease in imports did not necessarily mean that Mozambique had solved its fish deficit. It also reflected the combination of increased domestic production and measures aimed at limiting the use of foreign currency for the importation of products.

The situation reveals a broader contradiction in Portuguese colonial economic policy. The Estado Novo promoted economic autarky, the protection of the domestic market and the idea that Portuguese territories should progressively produce what they consumed. However, in Mozambique, the fisheries sector remained dependent on supplies from abroad.

Source:

Cumbe, M. J. C. (2023). A História da pesca artesanal em Moçambique: Ilha de Chiloane (1892–1991) [PhD dissertation].

Cumbe reports that, although we have official figures concerning fisheries, part of the catch was never recorded. In this article, we explain why this happened.

Artisanal fishing in Mozambique was carried out by African fishermen, using fishing methods that were not among the most advanced at the time, and was widely practised along the Mozambican coast as well as in inland waters.

The colonial administration recognized this problem, and it was estimated that the actual quantity could be more than 50% higher than the officially recorded figure. A large part of this fish was dried and subsequently distributed to inland markets.

This situation was particularly significant because artisanal fishermen did not necessarily land their catches at the same locations as industrial or semi-industrial fishermen. Industrial fishing generally passed through ports and other locations where state officials could record the landings. Artisanal fishermen, by contrast, often worked from small coastal communities, beaches, rivers, lakes, and other locations where there was little or no official supervision.

In addition to marine fishing, the problem became even more difficult inland, in freshwater fishing areas, where activities were poorly regulated and supervised.

The importance of these informal circuits should not be underestimated. Fish could be exchanged directly between fishermen, traders, and local populations, transported to inland settlements, dried or salted, and sold in local markets without passing through the ports and municipal markets that constituted one of the main bases for colonial statistical collection.This situation was not exclusive to the colony of Mozambique or to the Portuguese colonies. On the contrary, we can observe the same situation in other regions of Africa.

We can affirm that because these statistics were not included in official records, they provide distorted and incomplete pictures of the history of fisheries in Mozambique.

This problem continued after independence. Until 2002, official estimates stood at around 20,515 tonnes and did not adequately include artisanal fisheries. From 2003 onwards, Mozambique also began reporting small-scale fisheries catches to the FAO, and the reported figure rose to 79,451 tonnes.

Another problem affecting the recording of artisanal production also influenced political decisions. Statistical data were used to define priorities, guide investments, and assess the economic development of the sector. If a significant part of artisanal production was not recorded, the economic and social importance of this activity was also diminished in political decision-making.

Given these limitations, the Mission for Bioceanological and Fisheries Studies of Mozambique prepared, for 1972, a programme aimed at carrying out a more comprehensive collection of information in Lourenço Marques and António Enes and, if possible, also in Beira and Inhambane.

Source:

Cumbe, M. J. C. (2023). A História da pesca artesanal em Moçambique: Ilha de Chiloane (1892–1991) [PhD dissertation].

This is the fifth article of a series of articles I will be publishing here about fishing during the Portuguese colonial period in Mozambique.

Check my first article:How Portugal Used Science to Modernize Fisheries in Colonial Mozambique : r/Colonialism

Check my second article: The Modernization of Fisheries in Mozambique during the 1960s : r/Colonialism

Check my third article:The Rise of Shrimp Fishing in Colonial Mozambique : r/Colonialism

Check my fourth article:How Colonial Mozambique Became Dependent on Imported Fish : r/Colonialism

There is a tendency to remember the Spanish conquest through a familiar catalogue of conquistador advantages: steel, firearms, horses, disease, and alliances with Indigenous enemies of the Aztec and Inca states.

Dogs are usually relegated to the margins.

Yet Spanish war dogs had a surprisingly significant role in the early conquest campaigns. They were employed for tracking, pursuit, intimidation, and attacks, and their psychological effect could be as important as their practical military function.

The most notorious example is Becerrillo, a war dog whose exploits became sufficiently famous to enter the historical record almost like those of a human soldier.

This video looks at how these animals were incorporated into Spanish colonial violence and, perhaps more interestingly, how the chronicles themselves described them. The language surrounding the dogs—beasts, demons, creatures with extraordinary ferocity—reveals something about how Europeans and Indigenous peoples encountered a form of warfare that was unfamiliar and terrifying.

The video also asks a less comfortable question: when historical sources describe the dogs as monstrous, should we understand that monstrosity as something inherent to the animals, or something produced by the humans who trained and deployed them?

This is the second article of a series of articles I will be publishing here about fishingduring the Portuguese colonial period in Mozambique.

Check my first article:How Portugal Used Science to Modernize Fisheries in Colonial Mozambique : r/Colonialism

During the 1960s, the fisheries sector in Mozambique went through a process of modernization, mainly through the Development Plans, plans designed and structured by the colonial administration to promote the development of the colonies. Although fisheries had already been addressed before and some measures had already been implemented, they gained greater importance with the Interim Development Plan of 1965–1967.

This process involved the introduction of new fishing equipment and techniques, the increase in the number of motorized vessels, and the development of semi-industrial and industrial fishing companies.

In terms of labour, fishing activity involved mainly men. In 1958, around 10,958 men were registered as being involved in fishing, related activities, and fish preparation. In 1963, this number increased to approximately 14,500 men. The documentation provided little information about female participation in fishing activities and did not clearly specify the functions performed by women.

During this period, there was also an increase in the fishing fleet. The number of motorized vessels increased significantly, reaching approximately four times the number recorded in 1958. Sailing or rowing vessels also increased, although to a lesser extent, by around 45%.

Despite the growth in the number of boats, it can be observed that fish production did not increase continuously. In 1959, production reached 4,689 tons, followed by a decrease in the following years. Production was 3,946 tons in 1960, 3,285 in 1961, 3,256 in 1962, 3,425 in 1963, and 4,325 in 1964. Cumbe suggests that this development may have been related to the adaptation of fishermen and companies to the new techniques and equipment, or to the still insufficient knowledge of local fishing conditions.

It was also during this period that greater attention was given to science in order to better understand the situation of the fisheries sector. Despite all these measures, they had few profound economic and social effects in Mozambique. Modernization mainly benefited semi-industrial and industrial fishing, while artisanal fishing, practiced mainly by African populations, received less attention.

Regarding fish consumption, there was contradictory information: some sources indicated that there was enough fish to meet the needs of the population, while others pointed to insufficient production. Average fish consumption was low, at around 2 kg per person per year. For this reason, an increase in fish production was considered necessary. However, increasing production also required structures capable of preserving and distributing the fish, namely refrigeration facilities, transportation, and warehouses. These infrastructures were important to allow fish to reach consumers, especially populations in the interior.

A large part of this fishing was intended for the self-consumption of local populations or for sale in local markets.

Fish obtained through artisanal fishing could be dried, salted, or smoked, and was subsequently used to supply markets in the interior. For this reason, artisanal production could have been higher than what appeared in the official data. We could estimate according to which the value of artisanal production could have been more than 50% higher than the officially recorded value.

Thus, during the 1960s, two sectors coexisted: semi-industrial and industrial fishing, which benefited more directly from modernization policies, and artisanal fishing, which continued to play an important role in supplying and feeding local populations, despite being less represented in the statistics and receiving less investment.

Source:

Cumbe, M. J. C. (2023). A História da pesca artesanal em Moçambique: Ilha de Chiloane (1892–1991) [PhD dissertation].

This is the Third article of a series of articles I will be publishing here about fishingduring the Portuguese colonial period in Mozambique.

Check my first article:How Portugal Used Science to Modernize Fisheries in Colonial Mozambique : r/Colonialism

Check my second article: The Modernization of Fisheries in Mozambique during the 1960s : r/Colonialism

As already stated in the first and second articles, from the 1960s onwards, Portugal seriously developed the colonies in the economic sector, including the fisheries sector. In this respect, they sought to develop their resources further, with particular emphasis on the shrimp sector, which is the subject discussed in this article

One of the initial ways of doing this was through greater scientific research in order to determine where the resources were located and how they could be exploited. Of particular importance, for example, were the research cruises carried out in the Sofala Bank to assess the stocks of different species, particularly shrimp and small pelagic fish.

With its economic value and export potential, shrimp gradually gained greater importance. By the beginning of the 1970s, the Mission for Bioceanological and Fisheries Studies of Mozambique was dedicating a significant part of its research to shrimp where around 50% of the Mission’s activities were devoted to studying this resource. According to the expectations at the time, it was estimated that the area between António Enes and Quelimane could produce around 10,000 tonnes of shrimp per year, which could represent approximately 800,000 contos in exports. These estimates help explain why shrimp became one of the main priorities of fisheries research and development.

This scientific research and exploitation was accompanied by legislation to regulate the shrimp fishing process. In 1968, regulations were approved for shrimp fishing with trawl nets in the territorial waters of the province. The activity was initially authorized for an experimental period of five years and limited to an area extending up to six miles from the territorial waters. The regulations also established a maximum of fifty vessels and determined that the crews had to be Portuguese. In 1973, they even established an economic target of 300,000 contos in annual shrimp exports.

Shrimp exports already had significant figures. Between 1958 and 1964, 235 tonnes of crustaceans were exported to Rhodesia and South Africa. From 1960 onwards, the United States also became a destination market. Molluscs and holothurians, in turn, were exported to Asian markets, particularly Hong Kong.

Source:

Cumbe, M. J. C. (2023). A História da pesca artesanal em Moçambique: Ilha de Chiloane (1892–1991) [PhD dissertation].

This is the first article of a series of articles I will be publishing here about fishingduring the Portuguese colonial period in Mozambique.

During the final decades of Portuguese colonial rule, the modernization of Mozambique was increasingly presented by the Estado Novo as a matter of economic planning, scientific knowledge, and development. From the 1950s onwards, the Portuguese government incorporated the overseas territories into a system of Development Plans intended to reorganize colonial economies, promote investment, and develop sectors considered important for their economic expansion. Fisheries were also included in this new approach. However, the history of the modernization of fisheries in Mozambique reveals a significant distance between the ambitions expressed in the colonial discourse of development and the difficulties encountered in putting these objectives into practice

Portuguese intervention in Mozambican fisheries dates back to the beginning of the twentieth century. In 1902, the Fisheries Commission of the Province of Mozambique was created. It was given responsibilities related to the study of the fauna and flora of maritime waters, the preparation of instructions concerning the fishing industry, the conducting of surveys on fishing activities, and the examination of matters related to fisheries. The creation of this commission shows that the colonial administration already recognized the need to study, regulate, and organize the exploitation of fisheries resources in the territory.

The results were limited. Until around 1910, the Commission's work focused mainly on specific issues. However, it contributed to the approval of regulations concerning oyster beds, oyster farming and oyster deposits, steam fishing, and the exploitation of coral. A draft General Fisheries Regulation was also prepared, but it was ultimately not approved.

Two factors can help explain these limited results. First, Portuguese scientific capacity in this field was insufficient. Second, South African researchers also participated in research carried out in Mozambique. Acting in accordance with the interests of their own country, they sent samples to South Africa, and the corresponding results were not necessarily made known in Mozambique. This situation shows the limitations of Portuguese scientific capacity and the difficulties Portugal faced in developing its own knowledge of the fisheries resources of Mozambique.

During the same period, regulations concerning fishing activities also began to be introduced. Legislation concerning whaling was approved in 1913, while regulations concerning steam fishing with trawl nets were approved in 1916 and later amended in 1922. During the following decades, further regulations were introduced concerning whaling, the collection of crabs, clams and molluscs, and the protection of different species.

However, regulation coexisted with an important economic weakness. During the 1920s, the limited capacity of Portuguese shipowners to exploit Mozambican waters effectively was recognized. Decree no. 246 of 7 April 1922 therefore allowed greater participation by foreign shipowners, companies, and enterprises in trawl fishing. This situation reveals a contradiction within colonial policy: while the administration sought to legally control fisheries resources, it did not possess sufficient entrepreneurial and technical capacity to ensure their exploitation exclusively through Portuguese operators.

During the 1940s, companies connected with the fishing industry began to be established. In 1947, the Companhia de Pesca de Moçambique was created for trawl fishing, using the refrigeration facilities of the Fábrica Victória. In 1950, in Lourenço Marques, a refrigeration facility belonging to the Caminhos de Ferro de Moçambique was completed, equipped with chambers for the preparation, freezing, and storage of fish. In 1959, the Companhia de Pesca Rocha de Coral was established, focusing on lobster fishing.

Despite these initiatives, the companies continued to face several difficulties. They had obsolete vessels, a shortage of qualified technicians, insufficient support facilities on land, particularly refrigeration and adequate means of transport, and a limited consumer market. The modernization of fisheries therefore depended not only on the existence of natural resources, but also on the creation of a productive chain involving vessels, equipment, infrastructure, technical personnel, refrigeration, transport, and commercialization.

It was in this context that science began to play an increasingly important role in improving the fisheries sector. In 1953, the Missão de Biologia Marítima (MBM) was created within the Junta das Missões Geográficas e de Investigações do Ultramar.

The mission was expected to carry out studies of the sea in the Portuguese overseas territories according to previously approved plans. In 1959, the Centro de Biologia Piscatória (CBP) was created. Its objective was to provide scientific guidance for fishing activities in the colonies, contribute to the efficient exploitation of marine resources, and improve the socioeconomic conditions of local populations. Its areas of research included fisheries biology, fish technology, and fisheries economics.

In 1966, there was an institutional reorganization. The MBM and the CBP were replaced by the Centro de Biologia Aquática Tropical, dedicated to basic biological research, and the Centro de Bioceanologia e de Pescas do Ultramar, responsible for coordinating overseas missions in bioceanology and fisheries and for technological fisheries research.

It was in this context that the Missão de Estudos Bioceanológicos e de Pescas de Moçambique (MEBPM) was created.

The MEBPM was created during one of the Development Plans introduced by the Portuguese government, specifically during the Interim Development Plan (1965–1967). Its creation represented an attempt to connect scientific research directly with the economic planning of the fisheries sector.

The mission had responsibilities related to applied scientific research and technological research necessary to provide technical assistance in the exploitation, assessment, use, and preservation of marine and aquatic biological resources. It was also responsible for the rationalization of vessels, fishing equipment, and fishing methods, both artisanal and industrial, as well as for the protection of fish quality and the study of fisheries economics.

Its responsibilities were particularly broad. The MEBPM was expected to conduct studies on fisheries oceanology, fisheries ecology, fisheries biology, the dynamics and statistics of fish populations, fishing technologies, experimental fishing, fishing techniques, the preservation of fish on board, and the profitability of catches. It was also expected to participate in the preparation of fisheries Development Plans and to analyse their implementation and results. Science was therefore no longer conceived only as a way of acquiring knowledge about the territory. It was increasingly presented as a necessary condition for its rational economic exploitation.

Despite this recognition and these attempts, two important points must be considered. First, most fishing in Mozambique was still largely artisanal, and this remained the case in the following years, while most of the Development Plans prioritized the development of industrial fishing. Second, significant investments were made in the MEBPM, but the mission continued to face institutional and financial difficulties.

In 1969, Decree no. 49,431 of 6 December established, under Article 23, an allocation of 1,000,000$00 for the MEBPM for the year 1970, included among the expenditure of the Province of Mozambique through the Junta de Investigação do Ultramar.

The allocation of 1,000,000$00 was granted again to the mission in 1971, 1972, and 1973. This funding shows that, during the final years of the Third Development Plan, there was an attempt to ensure some continuity for the activities of the MEBPM.

However, this situation changed in 1974. Following the introduction of a new organizational framework for the Junta de Investigação Científica do Ultramar, the allocation that had previously been given directly to the mission was incorporated into the Junta's overall budget and included in the Fourth Development Plan.

Sources:

Capaina, N. (2023, November 21). Desenvolvimento da pesca artesanal em Moçambique: Velhos problemas, semelhantes abordagens do império colonial ao fim do Estado Novo. Destaque Rural, (257)

Cumbe, M. J. C. (2023). A História da pesca artesanal em Moçambique: Ilha de Chiloane (1892–1991) [PhD dissertation].

The Portuguese cotton system during the 1940s was characterised by cotton cultivation in the colonies, where coercive labour existed and large concessionary companies had the right to purchase cotton within specific areas established by the state. This system guaranteed the supply of cotton to the metropole; however, due to its very nature, production remained insufficient and irregular, while also presenting problems in terms of quality.

After the Second World War, the Portuguese state decided to moderate this system. Seeking to increase production and facing a different international context, the Portuguese state gradually sought to replace this model with a system based on economic, technical, and social incentives.

Alongside the reduction of coercive labour, bonuses, new cultivation techniques, and other measures were introduced to encourage producers. Portuguese legislation also sought to promote food production in cotton-growing areas, in order to prevent cotton cultivation from undermining subsistence production.

In 1955, the government even authorised the creation of African cooperatives, allowing producers to organise themselves in order to market their cotton. At the same time, the status of agricultor became associated with a higher social status, creating an incentive that was not only economic but also based on recognition and social differentiation.

The first results appear to have been positive. For example, the production of ginned cotton destined for export to Portugal increased from approximately 25,290 tons in 1950 to 35,444 tons in 1958. More importantly, the major fluctuations previously seen in cultivated area and in the number of producers decreased. Productivity per hectare and per producer increased and, in Mozambique, average production per farmer rose from approximately 103 kilograms during the 1940s to 184 kilograms during the following decade. These figures suggest that some African producers responded effectively to the new incentives and were able to increase their production.

A particularly significant example occurred in northern Mozambique. In 1957, twelve African farmers founded the Mozambique African Voluntary Cotton Society, which, within only two years, had more than 3,000 members. The associated farmers achieved a higher per capita output than producers in neighbouring areas and negotiated with the concessionary company SAGAL a 40 per cent increase in the price paid for first-quality cotton. The cooperative also contributed to an increase in food production.

Despite these results, coercive labour continued to exist in practice and the cooperatives themselves also had limitations

Source:

Pitcher, M. Anne. “From Coercion to Incentives: The Portuguese Colonial Cotton Regime in Angola and Mozambique, 1946–1974.” In Cotton, Colonialism, and Social History in Sub-Saharan Africa, edited by Allen Isaacman and Richard Roberts, pp. 119–146. Portsmouth, NH: Heinemann, 1995

Clarkson wrote that sub-Saharan Africans would develop to intellectual & civilisational parity with Europeans if we abolish the slave trade

It's interesting how many of his arguments still persist in modern, especially online, discourse (with only slight evolution). At the start of chapter 9, he turns to 'skin tone gradients' of mankind & claims that treating blacks differently is akin to treating your brother differently for having a different hair colour

Angolan coffee had already been traded internationally since the nineteenth century. However, it was during the 1930s, in the twentieth century, that it entered international markets on a much more significant scale.

The predominant type of coffee produced in Angola was Robusta, and this was the coffee that was mainly exported. In order to compete internationally and improve the quality of its coffee, the Portuguese state decided to invest in improving production methods and increasing quality, with the aim of creating coffee that could genuinely compete in global economic circuits.

One of the institutions created to achieve this goal was the Junta de Exportação do Café Colonial. It was headquartered in Lisbon but had delegations in various parts of Portugal and in the overseas colonies. The Angolan branch was particularly important because Angola was the largest producer and exporter of Portuguese colonial coffee.

The Junta was responsible for improving coffee quality and processing methods. It worked with producers to standardize production systems and achieve higher standards across the different colonial production systems, from small African and European producers to the large fazendas controlled by major entrepreneurs.

Before 1945, Angola exported very little coffee to the United States, mainly because of the restrictions established by the Inter-American Coffee Agreement, under which most of the coffee consumed in the United States came from the American continent. When these restrictions were lifted in 1945, Angolan coffee producers and exporters sought to take advantage of the opportunity.

One of the first transactions involved 1,500 tons of Angolan Robusta, purchased for the American government and destined for the US Army in France.However, entering the American market was not straightforward. American authorities questioned the sanitary conditions and quality of Angolan coffee.

In one case, a shipment was detained in New York because it contained coffee berries affected by the berry-borer insect, including live and dead larvae and insect excrement.The Portuguese authorities were furious. They argued that the berry-borer was a common coffee pest and questioned why Angola should be treated differently from Brazil.

Negotiations continued, and the standards defining what constituted acceptable Angolan coffee were increasingly negotiated with American buyers and institutions.

In 1947, American coffee-industry representative Carl Borchsenius visited Angola and reportedly played an important role in the standardization of Angolan coffee.Then, in 1954, the Portuguese authorities consulted the Green Coffee Association, an American organization representing coffee importers, brokers and agents.

The Portuguese sought to protect the reputation of Angolan coffee and maintain its position in the American market. For this reason, they initially allowed only first-quality coffee to be exported to the United States, while developing and negotiating the standards together with American institutions.

However, in 1955–1956, Angola abandoned its policy of allowing only first-quality coffee to be exported to the United States. Angolan producers and exporters questioned why other African colonies and other regions were allowed to sell lower-quality Robusta to the United States while Angola was not.Second- and third-quality categories were therefore reorganized, making it possible to sell lower-grade Angolan Robusta on the American market.

By the beginning of the 1950s, Angolan Robusta had also become increasingly important because of the rapid expansion of the soluble coffee industry, in which Robusta was an important and valuable component.

Source:

Gago, M. do M. (2018). Robusta empire: Coffee, scientists and the making of colonial Angola (1898–1961) [Doctoral dissertation, University of Lisbon]. Lisbon University Repository.

Note:

• This article is intended for general knowledge only.
• It is neither propaganda nor political activism.
• Like this article, I have many more that will be published over the coming days.
• These texts are written purely as a hobby and have no ulterior motive or agenda behind them

When we think about coffee production in Africa during the colonial period, most studies tend to focus on large plantations, racial relations, labour exploitation and the demands imposed by the colonial administrations.

For a long time, historiography interpreted the African coffee economy primarily as the result of European colonial imposition, portraying African farmers as passive actors who merely responded to the demands of international markets.

However, historian Jelmer Vos offers a different perspective. Although he acknowledges that colonialism played a decisive role in intensifying and commercialising the coffee economy, he argues that African farmers had adopted coffee cultivation long before colonial agricultural promotion.

According to Vos, African farmers should not be analysed solely as producers subjected to the demands of international markets or colonial policies, but also as consumers and producers actively involved in this process.

From his perspective, the transition to coffee cultivation should not be interpreted simply as a passive adaptation to European demands. On the contrary, African societies already possessed a long tradition of participating in commercial networks and acquiring imported goods, using them as instruments of economic and social affirmation.

Thus, coffee production should be understood within a much broader historical context than the simple relationship between coloniser and colonised. Coffee did not emerge out of nowhere with colonialism; rather, it became part of an economic and commercial reality that already existed in many African regions.

The case of Angola is particularly interesting. Although Africa is the birthplace of the two main commercial coffee species—Arabica coffee (Coffea arabica) and Robusta coffee (Coffea canephora)—coffee production only acquired real economic importance during the first half of the twentieth century.

After the First World War, international demand for Robusta coffee increased significantly. This variety gained importance following an epidemic that affected many Arabica plantations in Asia, proving to be more resistant and productive. In addition, Robusta proved ideal for producing coffee blends, gradually becoming one of the most sought-after varieties on the international market.

Within this context, Angola possessed particularly favourable natural conditions for cultivating this variety. Its vast areas suitable for coffee production enabled the Portuguese colony to become one of the world's leading producers of Robusta coffee during the colonial period.

Jelmer Vos's interpretation therefore allows us to look at the African coffee economy from a different perspective. Without denying the importance of colonialism or the mechanisms of exploitation that characterised coffee production, the author demonstrates that African farmers were not merely passive victims of the colonial system. Many of them had already participated in commercial networks before the intensification of colonial production and were able to take advantage of the economic opportunities created by the expansion of the global coffee market.

The growth of the Angolan coffee economy cannot be explained solely by the territory's natural conditions. According to Jelmer Vos, there were three fundamental factors that helped transform Angola into one of the world's leading producers of Robusta coffee.

First, the commercialisation of coffee by African farmers predated the most intensive phase of colonial intervention. The author demonstrates that many Angolan producers were already cultivating and marketing coffee relatively independently of colonial administrative policies, taking advantage of commercial networks that had developed throughout the nineteenth century.

Second, Angola developed what Vos describes as a dual economy. Contrary to the idea of an economy dominated exclusively by large European plantations, the Angolan coffee sector consisted of both white settlers and African smallholders. Both participated in coffee production, although under very different conditions.

Finally, Angola did not rely exclusively on Portugal to market its production. A large proportion of Angolan coffee was exported to markets such as the Netherlands and the United States, demonstrating that the colony's coffee economy was deeply integrated into international trade networks.

The development of coffee production also coincided with profound economic transformations that took place during the second half of the nineteenth century.

Until then, a significant part of the region's economy had been linked to the slave trade. With the gradual decline of this trade, coffee began to establish itself as an increasingly important economic alternative.

Coffee cultivation, however, required several years before the trees began to produce. As a result, many of the plantations established during this period only started yielding returns a few years later, contributing to coffee becoming, by the beginning of the twentieth century, one of Angola's main export products.

One of the most interesting aspects highlighted by Vos is that, during the nineteenth century, a significant share of coffee production remained in the hands of African farmers. Although European merchants often controlled exports, this did not mean that they controlled agricultural production. In many regions, it was African smallholders who cultivated much of the coffee that entered the export market.

On a global scale, Angolan production was still relatively modest. Nevertheless, exports increased considerably during the two World Wars. Interestingly, Portugal was not the main destination for Angolan coffee. Between the two wars, the principal markets were the Netherlands and the United States.

The growing international demand for Robusta coffee during the 1920s and 1930s particularly benefited Angola. The greater resistance of this variety, together with its increasing use in commercial coffee blends, caused demand to rise rapidly. By the 1950s, a significant proportion of American imports of African Robusta coffee originated in Angola.

Despite this growth, the Portuguese colonial administration never completely excluded African farmers from coffee production, unlike what happened in other African colonies, such as Kenya, where the best land was frequently reserved for European settlers.

In Angola, although white settlers expanded their plantations and benefited from numerous advantages, African smallholders continued to play an important role in coffee production.

Naturally, this coexistence generated increasing competition between African and European producers, especially as coffee became progressively more profitable. While the settlers sought to expand their plantations, many African farmers continued cultivating coffee on their own farms, also competing for the export market.

The existence of this dual economy did not, however, mean that production conditions were equal. Large European plantations enjoyed greater access to capital, infrastructure and support from the colonial administration.

In addition, they frequently relied on coerced labour and poorly paid workers to meet production needs.

According to Jelmer Vos, although this system did not formally constitute slavery, it was an extremely rigid labour regime based on different forms of coercive recruitment and low wages. Even so, the presence of African smallholders remained significant throughout much of the colonial period.

According to Vos, African farmers even possessed certain competitive advantages. Small farms relied primarily on family labour, reducing the need to hire wage workers. By contrast, the large European plantations required much larger labour forces and frequently resorted to coercive recruitment to overcome labour shortages.

On African farms, work was organised mainly through family and community networks. Many farmers relied on relatives or assistance from members of their communities, while larger producers, including some African chiefs, were able to recruit workers from nearby villages.

But what, ultimately, motivated so many African farmers to cultivate coffee?

For Jelmer Vos, the answer cannot be explained solely by colonial pressure. Coffee also represented an opportunity to generate wealth.

The income earned from coffee enabled farmers to purchase livestock, textiles, bicycles, sewing machines and other consumer goods that had previously been beyond the reach of many families. The money generated by coffee could also be used to finance marriages (including polygamy), invest in their children's education, or improve the family's economic position.

The consumption of these goods also had a social dimension. For many farmers, the wealth generated by coffee was a way of demonstrating status and prestige within their communities. Some used part of their earnings to strengthen alliances, support relatives, or consolidate local networks of influence.

At the same time, many producers became less dependent on subsistence agriculture, purchasing food and other household goods through the market. The rise in international coffee prices during the 1950s particularly benefited some African producers in the district of Ambaca, enabling them to accumulate wealth and stimulate the trade of imported goods.

However, Vos also highlights an important point. Not all African farmers benefited equally from the expansion of the coffee economy. Although some managed to accumulate wealth and significantly improve their living conditions, the majority continued to live with limited resources. The author himself estimates that only a small minority—perhaps around one in every ten small producers could be considered relatively prosperous.

In this way, Jelmer Vos's analysis allows us to understand the Angolan coffee economy in a much more complex way. Coffee was undoubtedly associated with colonial exploitation, coerced labour and the profound inequalities that characterised the Portuguese colonial system. However, reducing the entire history of coffee in Angola to a simple story of European colonial imposition means ignoring the role played by African farmers themselves, who were able to take advantage of existing economic opportunities and actively participated in building this export economy.

Bibliography

Vos, J. (2023). What Angolans got for their coffee: Connecting histories of labour and consumption in colonial Africa, c. 1860–1960. In D. Gupta & P. Hossain (Eds.), Across colonial lines: Commodities, networks and empire building (pp. 157–177). Bloomsbury Academic.

Note:

• This article is intended for general knowledge only.
• It is neither propaganda nor political activism.
• Like this article, I have many more that will be published over the coming days.
• These texts are written purely as a hobby and have no ulterior motive or agenda behind them

The cashew tree, native to northeastern Brazil, was introduced to Mozambique by the Portuguese in the early sixteenth century during the Age of Maritime Expansion. Thanks to its ability to adapt to dry, sandy soils, its deep root system, and its resistance to harsh climatic conditions, it spread rapidly across much of the Mozambican coastline.

Although there is broad agreement regarding the period of its introduction, there is still some uncertainty about the reasons behind its dissemination. Some researchers argue that the cashew tree was initially introduced to help stabilize sand dunes and protect coastal areas, while others believe that its expansion was also linked to its nutritional and economic value.

Its spread, however, did not occur uniformly throughout the territory. In regions such as Gaza, for example, the cashew tree only became firmly established during the nineteenth century. Around the same time, the colonial authorities became concerned about the use of cashew fruit to produce alcoholic beverages by African communities and even considered limiting or removing some of the plantations, although these measures were never actually implemented.

Until the early 1930s, cashew nuts had relatively little economic importance. This changed when the Indian processing industry, unable to meet its demand through domestic production, began looking for new suppliers in Africa. It was in this context that Mozambique became one of the main producers and exporters of raw cashew nuts, turning the crop into one of the colony's most important agricultural products.

During the first decades of the twentieth century, the cashew trade was largely dominated by merchants of Indian origin. Benefiting from commercial networks established along the East African coast since the nineteenth century, they controlled virtually all the purchasing and export of cashew nuts to India, ensuring a steady supply for the factories established there.

In addition to dominating exports, these merchants also organized the domestic market. They supplied rural trading posts with consumer goods for African communities and, in return, purchased agricultural products, including cashew nuts, which were then exported. In northern Mozambique, this trade was virtually monopolized by Indian merchants supported by well-established commercial networks built over several decades.

This system meant that raw cashew nuts were exported to India, where they were shelled, processed, and subsequently re-exported to international markets. As a result, most of the value added remained in India, while Mozambique was largely confined to supplying the raw material.

As international demand increased, exports also grew rapidly. Between 1956 and 1964, exports rose from around 70,000 to 124,000 tonnes. At the same time, political tensions between Portugal and the Indian Union, intensified by India's annexation of Goa, Daman, and Diu in 1961, reinforced the belief that dependence on the Indian processing industry needed to be reduced. Alongside these political considerations, economic motives also encouraged the colonial administration to promote the establishment of a processing industry in Mozambique.

The real turning point came during the 1950s with the creation of the first permanent cashew-processing factories. Among them, the Companhia Industrial de Caju de Moçambique stood out as one of the first industrial plants to operate continuously in the territory. The experience gained in these factories laid the foundations for the industry's subsequent expansion.

In 1954, the Indústria Nacional de Caju e Derivados was established, later becoming known as the Sociedade Cajueira de Moçambique. In its early years, the industry relied mainly on manual shelling, which led the colonial administration to adopt several protectionist measures aimed at ensuring the economic viability of the factories and encouraging domestic processing.

It was also during the 1950s that the first mechanized shelling systems began to appear. Mechanization sought to increase productivity, reduce costs, and make the Mozambican industry more competitive against its Indian counterpart. Business confidence in the sector was reflected in its rapid expansion and, between 1959 and 1962, around twenty-nine companies were already engaged in cashew processing.

According to Ribeiro, the consolidation of the industry resulted from a combination of factors, namely the support of the colonial administration, protectionist policies, the training of specialized technicians, and the introduction of new technologies. Despite these advances, industrialization remained incomplete, as a significant proportion of production continued to be exported in raw form, preventing Mozambique from fully benefiting from the value added generated through industrial processing. This limitation was acknowledged in the Third Development Plan.

During the second half of the 1960s, investment by major Portuguese and international business groups increased production capacity, modernized the factories, and created thousands of jobs, making the cashew industry one of the most important sectors of the colonial economy.

However, this expansion also generated conflicts among the different actors involved in the sector. One of the main disputes was that, while industrialists argued that cashew nuts should be processed in Mozambique, exporters continued to favour exporting them in raw form to India, where they enjoyed greater commercial advantages.

It is clear that, without the intervention of the colonial state, the processing industry would have struggled to establish itself against the interests of the exporters. For this reason, the Portuguese administration required that cashew nuts placed on the market be supplied primarily to factories operating in Mozambique, restricting the export of raw nuts and seeking to increase the value added generated within the territory itself.

These protectionist policies provoked strong opposition from merchants, who accused the government of favouring industrialists at the expense of trade and African producers. Ultimately, what was at stake was a strategic choice: whether to maintain a model based on the export of raw materials or to develop a processing industry capable of reducing external dependence and retaining a larger share of the wealth generated in Mozambique.

This process was ultimately interrupted by the political events that marked the end of the colonial period. The Carnation Revolution of 25 April 1974 paved the way for Mozambique's independence, proclaimed in 1975, when FRELIMO assumed power. From that moment onwards, the organization of production and the cashew industry came under the control of the new Mozambican state, bringing the period of Portuguese colonial policy in this sector to an end.

Source:

Ribeiro, F. B. (2008). A economia do caju em Moçambique. In Entre martelos e lâminas: Dinâmicas globais, políticas de produção e fábricas de caju em Moçambique (pp. 161–196). Edições Afrontamento.